On Conlang Herrig Thaillí (Henrik Theilling) wrote in response to me:
I’m ATM in woes WRT the Rhodrese indefinite article. I feel that the changes I’ve made to the feminine indefinite and plural definite forms call for a change in the plural indefinite as well. Consider the following patterns:
|
_#C |
_#V |
_#C |
_#V |
_#C |
_#V |
| def.
| el |
el |
la |
l’ |
li |
gl’ |
| indef.
| un |
un |
na |
n’ |
eun |
eun |
OR
|
_#C |
_#V |
_#C |
_#V |
_#C |
_#V |
| def.
| el |
el |
la |
l’ |
li |
gl’ |
| indef.
| un |
un |
na |
n’ |
ni |
gn’ |
Is the latter preferable or am I over-regularizing?
NB eun would still mean ‘some, a few’, while aocú means ‘some, any’ and naocú means ‘not any, none’.
My gut feeling for Rhodese is that the first alternative is more like it. It has that nice vowel change. And the system should not be made too regular I think.
(more…)
The first Dieophí of Burgundy moved with the whole of his
Vienese court and bureaucracy to Deujó and most notably
brought along all his notaries and scribes, who continued to
write in Vienay, and even took in new apprentices from the Vienay
area or trained apprentices from Burgundy and Lojunay to write in
the Vienay dialect. Thus the language of the royal chancery
became Vienay with a strong Burgundian and in particular Lojunay
admixture. Each new Dieophí before his father’s death served
as count of Vienay and brought with him a fresh batch of Vienay
scribes, secretaries and notaries at his ascension as duke of
Burgundy. The move of the court to Lojú under the reign of
the nth Dieophí — motivated by a desire
to keep a close check on the powerful patriarch of Lojú —
could only strengthen the use of this hybrid Vienay, because the
Lojunay dialect was closer to the Vienay dialect than the
dialects of Burgundy proper. Inevitably however the misnomer
Borgonzay ‘Burgundian’ became attached to this princely
chancery language especially after the nth
Dieophí decreed that all courts, and parliaments throughout
his domain, and the university of Deujó must use the
language of the princely chancery. The patriarchal and episcopal
chanceries soon had to follow suit as well.
Lucally the unification of Italy involved a mostly1
failed attempt (by Garibaldi) at overthrowing and
annexing the Sikelian empire. Most of the
population of the empire were Greek (or rather
Italiot) speaking, but there was widespread
discontent with the rule of Napoleon’s brothers and nephews,
who with the exception of Loukianos and
his family had immaculately slipped into the rôle and
behavior of a Byzantine imperial family, which Garibaldi
seized on. In the end the end Garibaldi failed at gaining
popular support, while Loukas Napoleon Kalomeros played out
Sikeliot nationalism, lambasting Garibaldi as a Latinos
foreigner. In the conundrum Corsica and Sardinia
seized the chance to together declare a Mediterranean
Republic, with the support of the Republic of Catalonia
— still a considerable naval power in the Mediterranean —,
thus each revolting against one of the combatants in the
Italo-Sikelian conflict. The Mediterranean Republic managed
to maintain its independence after the peace between Italy
and Sikelia, since both of these laid claims to both
islands, and neither wanted to disturb the peace by taking
military action against the islands: each would have to pass
through waters claimed by the other to get to the island
each of them had controlled before the war, let alone their
respective claims to the other island.
